![]() ![]() These “rights” are considered exclusively as attributions granted to “man,” to the “citizen,” or to the “people,” who must make use of them to grant the organisms of the state or government access to the individual. And while the bourgeois constitutions proclaim the “rights of man” and also contain the affirmation of “freedom of assembly and of the press,” they do not recognize class groupings in any way. This relinquishment would be made for the benefit of an organism capable of regulating and directing the whole of the community. It is useful to point out that liberal and democratic theory supposes the dissolution of groups, of categories made up of “citizens,” which would be interested in spontaneously ceding a part of their freedom to receive the safeguarding of their economic and social position in compensation. Here the equality of the components would be possible precisely because individuals entrust their fate and custody to the state organisms that represent the interests of the community. The ideological movement that has accompanied the ascent and victory of capitalism is situated and expressed, from an economic and political point of view, on the basis of the dissolution of the interests and particular demands of individuals, communities and especially of classes, within society. Painted with a revolutionary tinge, this position is presented under the varnish of a pretended revolutionary strategy, while also being fundamentally “Marxist.” From here, the problem is presented thusly: there is an incompatibility between the bourgeoisie and democracy, consequently, the interest of the proletariat to defend the freedoms that the latter grants to it naturally prevails over its specifically revolutionary interests and the struggle for the defense of democratic institutions thus becomes an anticapitalist struggle!Īt the base of these propositions there is an evident confusion between democracy, democratic institutions, democratic liberties, and working-class positions that are erroneously called “workers’ freedoms.” We will observe both from the theoretical point of view, and from the historical point of view, that there is an irreducible and irreconcilable opposition between democracy and working-class positions. ![]() If one considers the current situation regardless of its connection with the situations that preceded it and which will come after it, if one considers the current position of the political parties without linking them to the role they have played in the past and that which they will play in the future, the immediate circumstances and the current political forces of the general historical context are displaced, which allows reality to be easily presented thusly: fascism goes on the attack, the proletariat is completely interested in defending its freedoms, and for this reason it is necessary to establish a defensive front of threatened democratic institutions. In effect, once the communion between the workers’ movement and democratic institutions is established, the political condition for the complete ruin of the working class is given, since the democratic state finds in the contribution of the working masses, not a possibility of life or of persistence, but the necessary condition to become an authoritarian regime, or the signal of its disappearance with the aim of ceding its place to the new fascist organization. Though it may seem paradoxical at first glance, the workers’ movement will only succeed in actually preserving its organizations from the assault of reaction on the condition that they maintain their fighting positions intact, not tie them to the fate of democracy, and fight the battle against the fascist offensive, at the same time as it carries forward the struggle against the democratic state. The simplest solution to this question - as to others - is not the clearest, since it in no way corresponds to the reality of the class struggle. ![]() The central question confronting the workers’ movement nowadays is its attitude towards democracy, or more precisely, the need to defend (or not) the democratic institutions threatened by fascism, at the same time as the latter proceeds to destroy the proletarian organizations.
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